A ruling by the 8th Chamber of the Council of State on Monday to retain a system that uses a lower coefficient to calculate the university admission examination scores of graduates of vocational high schools has disappointed many who have severely criticized the court.
from Turkish Politics in Action by Ragan Updegraff
The 8th Council Chamber of State has again ruled against reform that would make it easier for graduates from imam-hatip schools to enter universities. These schools are theological, but also have curriculum equivalent to that at Turkish public schools.
Following the infamous Feb. 28 process, which is considered by many Turkey’s “postmodern coup,” measures were put in place to curb the influence of imam-hatip, including the now contested the lower coefficient applied to the scores imam-hatip students receive on the Student Selection Examination (ÖSS). The lower coefficient places these students in the same field as those graduating from vocational schools, significantly reducing their chances of entering public universities.Turkey’s State Council retains university admissions system (SETimes.com)
A small but influential group of people and their collaborators abroad have long refrained from believing that the Ergenekon terrorist organization — which has been indicted for planning to overthrow the democratically elected government through violence and coercion, render Parliament dysfunctional and create social chaos to lay the groundwork for a military takeover — really exists.
Various issues were addressed in newspaper columns yesterday, but the most significant ones were those discussing a change of attitude on the part of Chief of General Staff Gen. İlker Başbuğ over the headscarf issue and criticism of the deadlock over the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government?s Kurdish initiative.
Even its European friends are aware that if Turkey is ever to leave behind a sort of democracy under the tutelage of military and civilian bureaucracy committed to an authoritarian form of secular nationalism (dubbed Kemalism) and consolidate liberal democracy, it has to adopt an entirely new constitution to replace the existing one drawn up by the military in 1982.
As the government prepares to resume its Kurdish initiative with a massive public relations campaign to win over the Turkish audience in particular, the Kurdistan Workers? Party (PKK) has been carving out its strategy as well.
Almost all sensible people are upset with Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) deputy Osman Durmuş, who, instead of criticizing the inhumane behavior of some military officers, made fun of the prime minister?s wife, Emine Erdoğan, who was not allowed to visit an actor who was a patient at a military hospital in Ankara three years ago as she wears a headscarf. Mr. Erdoğan spoke of the incident only last week, and he said he did not want to create any tension by disclosing this incident three years ago.
The most recent tensions in Parliament, in concert with some sharp statements from Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahçeli, have turned people?s attention to the MHP. I wonder what is really going on within the MHP. Is the MHP changing paths?
Here is how the Republican People?s Party (CHP) mayor of Antalya, Professor Mustafa Akaydın, voiced his opinion on the ?headscarf? shame that occurred at the Gülhane Military Academy of Medicine (GATA) in Ankara: ?Well, you can?t enter a mosque in shoes, so how could someone really expect to enter GATA wearing a headscarf??
A war of words fully under way between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), with each one placing the blame on the other for a brawl that took place in Parliament last week.
The Turkish military and Turkey?s Kemalist establishment have a tendency to see the root causes of the Kurdish question in two major sources, social and economic problems in southeastern Anatolia and external dynamics.